Monday, April 11, 2011

The fight for Lokpal brought us together-

The fight for Lokpal brought us together

never-before-seen numbers to express support for Anna Hazare’s campaign advocatinThe last week saw a momentous continuum of events with citizens congregating in g for the Jan Lokpal legislation.

While the support all over the country was overwhelming, there have been some reservations expressed by distinguished observers of our parliamentary democracy on whether it constituted a subversion of our democratic principles, almost a form of anarchy. To understand this one needs to delve into specifics about the growth of this movement in the context of the state of our parliamentary democracy.

The discussions on Lokpal are not new in the history of our parliamentary system. First introduced in 1968, the Bill has been reintroduced in Parliament on as many as seven occasions, the last time being in 2001. On seven occasions the Bill has lapsed without adequate discussion.

The Bill was introduced by both the Congress- and BJP-led governments and for both parties the cause for passing it was strengthened by reports of the Administrative Reforms Commissions and National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, respectively. And each time it was skittled by relatively less crucial issues such as whether the PM should come under its purview.

With such a long and vibrant history of this legislation it was shocking that the UPA government sought to introduce a weak Lokpal Bill this time around. So much so that the provisions of the government Lokpal Bill would create a Lokpal that is weaker than the Karnataka Lokayukta, an institution which itself has had problems of empowerment. citing which Justice Santosh Hegde resigned six months ago.

What was even more appalling was that the Bill was drafted at a time when the country was witnessing scams of astronomical proportions being unearthed one after the other. It is because of the people's disappointment with the government's inaction against corruption and lack of confidence with both the large political parties, that the seeds of Jan Lokpal were sown.

The fast observed by Hazare advocating for a civil-society-drafted Jan Lokpal received a positive response from the beginning. But the momentum was still far from having national impact on April 5.

The breakthrough occurred on Day 2 (April 6) when Hazare announced publicly that no politician would be allowed on stage. The seemingly arrogant manner in which he said this without any fear of consequences, caught the imagination of people, who have in recent times seen and heard of only protests and movements motivated by political agendas.

Fasting as the mode of satyagraha adopted by him only worked to strengthen their belief in his sincerity and commitment to the cause. Barely a day later thousands of citizens started walking out of their homes, missing college and offices which cascaded into lakhs the next day and it soon started gaining the proportions of a truly national movement singularly focused on a national agenda.

The atmosphere at Freedom Park in Bengaluru from April 6 onwards had to be experienced to be believed. Every narrow-minded divisive effort by individuals and groups on the basis of language, region and community was admonished by the crowd until the instigators themselves felt apologetic. It was heart warming to see Satsang and Namaz being observed on the same stage. If not for anything else one can say that it was a true celebration of the identity of being ‘an Indian’.

Democracy has been subverted in India, despite movements like the Jan Lokpal and not because of it. It is subverted every time political parties indiscriminately use party whips to make up for their wafer-thin majorities, thereby nullifying opportunity for citizens to express themselves through their MPs/ MLAs. Democracy is undermined every time MPs/MLAs prefer to listen to their party bosses rather than their constituents because that is the only way they can hope for a party ticket for the next elections. It is because of these processes and inaction against corruption that citizens are feeling disconnected with their parliamentary institutions.

Through the Jan Lokpal movement citizens of India have asserted that they are the ‘real bosses of Indian democracy’. And if the existing institutional means have failed to fulfill their duties in certain respects, they are ready to explore new institutional structures for them such as 50 per cent civil society representation for the Committee to discuss the Jan Lokpal Bill. This dimension only adds to the vibrancy of our parliamentary democracy.

-- The writer is a coordinator for India Against Corruption (IAC)

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