Sunday, June 26, 2011

Greek Austerity Protests Arouse Fury from the Man in the Street/It is not unusual for Greek workers to go unpaid for a year or more

Greek Austerity Protests Arouse Fury from the Man in the Street

It is not unusual for Greek workers to go unpaid for a year or more

by Karen Kissane

VASSILIS Dermitzakis saw protesters screaming at riot police from outside a tall iron gate of the botanical gardens in Athens.

Vassilis Dermitzakis says he was fired when he refused to work more hours for less pay. (Photo/Nikos Ventouras) They were middle-aged, middle-class, well-dressed. He watched in disbelief as they tore a telephone booth out of the ground and charged, ramming the booth against the iron gate, which fell beneath their fury.

He was at last week's national day of protest because he too was angry. ''These people were not anarchists, they were not communists. There were women and men. They were the common people. After that, I realised there were people very, very much angrier than me.''

He expects to see more such scenes in the next national strike against austerity measures, a 48-hour stoppage that will be staged to coincide with the as-yet-uncertain parliamentary debate on the issue.

While the euro zone talks of Greek profligacy, Greeks living through the economic crisis remain furious over their suffering as a result of an austerity program that began a year ago.

Pensions are slashed and wages are plummeting but, despite the cuts, unemployment has risen and stands at 42 per cent for young people.

Five thousand protesters marched through the streets again at the weekend, despite an emergency cabinet reshuffle by Prime Minister George Papandreou designed to appease them.

Mr Dermitzakis says he surveyed around 30 of his friends aged 25 to 34 and found only five who work full-time.

Mr Dermitzakis, 34, has not worked for five months. He says he was fired because he refused to work more hours for less money at the supermarket he had managed for five years.

He has never had a job in the vocation for which he is qualified - social work. He called to inquire about one vacancy and was told the incumbent was quitting because he had not been paid for 15 months.

It is not unusual in Greece for public-sector contract workers to go unpaid for more than a year, and now it is becoming common in private industry, too. Katerina Kouni, 45, a chef, says her 24-year-old daughter has just spent six months working in customer service for a phone company without receiving a single pay cheque.

''She goes to the labour office to complain, and they said, 'We have so many complaints that you must wait, maybe one or two years. So many people have the same problems.' ''

Ms Kouni's hours, meanwhile, were last week cut from eight per day to four, with her salary halved to match.

She helped her friend, Giorgos Lukas, hang his protest banners and caricatures of politicians at the tent city of protesters in Syntagma Square at the weekend.

Behind them drums played a warlike beat as activists twirled a giant white puppet symbolising a bloodied Justice.

Ms Kouni said Greeks were also bitter about inequity: ''The people with more money have become richer. It's the poor people paying, not the rich.''

Traditionally Greeks dealt with financial problems through ''family inter-generational solidarity'', says Yanis Varoufakis, professor of economic theory at the University of Athens.

''Grandparents would give pocket money to teenagers who couldn't get jobs. Parents would help the older generation.

Children would help each other. Now, for the first time in modern Greek history, we have all three generations hit at once: pensions are cut, salaries are reduced and jobs are fewer. So they can't help each other any more.''

He says Germans might see Greeks as ''spendthrift over-reachers good only for lying in the sun and retiring at 40, but the truth is different: Greece, even before the crisis, was the poorest country in the euro zone. Twenty-three per cent of the population were below the poverty line.

''But they feel the sacrifices they are making now are just making the problem worse. It's like the difference between the battle of Normandy and the battle of Gallipoli. With Normandy, soldiers made sacrifices because of a prospect of victory. This is more like Gallipoli. Greeks feel the generals are ordering them to walk straight to their deaths.''

Arab uprisings:why no1 saw dem coming-d west failed to 'see like citizens' missed d signs dat people in Egypt,Tunisia nYemen were at breaking point?

Arab uprisings: why no one saw them coming

The west failed to 'see like citizens' and missed the signs that people in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen were at breaking point

  • Anti-government protesters throw stones during clashes in Cairo, Egypt, on Thursday. Photograph: Ben Curtis/AP

    Why did diplomats, policymakers, analysts and academics fail to see and understand the growing popular unrest in Tunisia, Egypt and other Arab countries?

    It seems that the reasons why we thought a revolution impossible were wrong, our identification of the agents of change was misguided and our understanding of how collective mobilisation happens was too narrow. We need new ways to capture what is happening on the ground through the eyes of these countries' people.

    Failing to make sense of the protests

    Egypt has witnessed a number of protests in the past five years. Demonstrators clearly showed that they were defying the restrictions of political activism and breaking through the fear barrier. We missed these hints of public dissent because these forms of collective action did not fit our checklist of what constitutes the "right kind" of citizen mobilisation that would shake an authoritarian regime.

    The constant flare-up of protests, sit-ins, demonstrations and encroachments on public space all led by citizens, whether workers in their thousands or young Egyptian Christian youth more recently, were often dismissed as too small, inconsequential or too narrow in their demands to be of significance for regime change.

    However, to assume that the masses would not rise shows how dismissive we have been of the power of unruly politics.

    The impact of state security on citizens' lives

    While policymakers and analysts focused on the oppressive role of the police force in dealing with the formal institutions and establishments – the media, the political parties – the extent and scope of state security monitoring of ordinary citizens was almost entirely neglected. The domestic intelligence service had created unsustainable levels of paranoia, fear and distrust that gripped citizens in Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia. By focusing on the formal institutional actors, we failed to "see like citizens" and missed out on the experiences citizens faced on a day-to-day basis.

    Citizens tried to adapt to living with security services (and the thousands of informers) breathing down their necks. But with the increasing economic deprivation, the provocations of a regime that does democracy through rigged ballots and the absence of choices elsewhere, their breaking point was clearly nearing.

    Economic figures that don't add up on the ground

    The official economic story, measured by the international community in terms of economic growth, suggested that Tunisia, Egypt and Yemen were weathering the economic crises. Yet on the ground, the story was very different.

    In Yemen, as part of research by the Institute of Development Studies on the impact of the economic crises on the poor, interviews conducted with families in Sana'a in April 2010 revealed the extent to which a war in the north, inflation and diminishing economic opportunities were taking their toll on their survival. Families were having to cut down severely on food and reduce their children's school attendance because conditions had become so dire. The poor were fully aware of why this was happening: a corrupt government blind to the people's suffering.

    When the conventional saviours have no saving powers

    Current understanding of the democracy process pinpoints three groups believed to be instrumental in challenging authoritarian regimes: political parties, the Islamist movement and human rights associations and other civil society organisations. In short, the focus has been on highly institutionalised actors operating in the formal, public sphere.

    Opposition parties did not catalyse, organise or lead the citizen movements who took to the streets in Egypt or Tunisia. They were almost missing from the scene at the outset. As for the human rights groups, their role in awakening citizens or mobilising them into activism has been minimal, almost nonexistent.

    Human rights organisations, like some vocal political party activists, have been instrumental in exposing the violation of human rights by existing regimes. But foreign funding for democracy promotion has led to it becoming increasingly professional in nature, and in some instances to depoliticisation as well. In a bid to prove that civil society organisations are the sites for igniting social activism, western policymakers and scholars have looked to development and human rights organisations for engagement in contentious politics – but in the process missed out on where the organic activism was unfolding.

    Political analysts and scholars have been strongly advocating for the west to forge dialogues with "moderate" Islamist forces on account of their large popular support base and the fact that they represent the most significant political opposition to existing authoritarian regimes. But we may have all grossly overestimated the power of the Islamists on the ground. The Muslim Brotherhood's position on the protests that erupted in Egypt on 25 January was ambivalent, and even when they joined in the uprising on the Friday "day of fury", it was evident that they were not leading, nor did they have a conspicuous presence.

    Seeing like citizens

    Informed by social movement theory about actors, agency and how change happens, we ended up asking the wrong questions as to why the people have risen. In Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen, was there an organised social movement? Certainly not. Did they have visible leadership? No. Did they have a massive, or at least significant following? Not in the conventional sense of a mobilised constituency.

    Our analytical perspectives failed to enable us to "see like citizens" and understand that people were overcoming barriers of fear and reaching breaking point.

    However, it is not too late to be responsive: international diplomats need to side with the people now. Otherwise, it is not only the legitimacy of the current Egyptian regime that is at stake, but also the legitimacy of the entire international human rights framework.

Saturday, June 25, 2011

Through the “Chameli Revolution”, the people of India should try to change a single most critical dimension of multifaceted and complex problems of corruption, value deficit and poor governance. And that is the political will to manage the transition to cleaner polity, ethical conduct and aam admi oriented governance. Once that is done, the above reforms will be easier to initiate and implement.

Tunisian “Jasmine revolution” would be recorded as most important global socio-political phenomenon since d collapse of USSR n its aftermath3/2/11

Tunisian “Jasmine revolution” would be recorded as most important global socio-political phenomenon since the collapse of Soviet Union and its aftermath in Europe.

'Chameli Revolution' of India-remembered in the history for sowing the seeds of a major revolution against corruption, tyrants, dictatator,autocrats

'Chameli Revolution' of India

blog |

Tunisia will be remembered in the history for sowing the seeds of a major revolution against corruption, tyrants, dictators, and autocrats across the globe. Non-violent revolution saw the end of regimes in Tunisia & Egypt. Libya, Bahrain, Yemen and Algeria are struggling against the strong currents of revolution. Libya is on the boil and seeing worst repression & violence. Perhaps it is matter of time before the change of government takes place there. But the events have sent strong messages across the globe rattling even China. Tunisian “Jasmine revolution” would be recorded as most important global socio-political phenomenon since the collapse of Soviet Union and its aftermath in Europe.

Prima facie India seems to be isolated or unconnected in any manner with events in the Arab world except for the Indian workers there. But a peep into the “Blunderland of Indian Politics” reveals that impact of Jasmine revolution may have triggered timing of an impending revolution in India against corruption, declining value system and poor governance. Bharat Swabhiman floated by Swami Ramdev Baba, the Yoga Guru, has launched a movement against corruption and black money with a big rally at Ramlila Maidan at New Delhi on February 27, 2011 with big response. The personalities like Ram Jethmalani, Kiran Bedi, Dr. Subramanian Swamy, Anna Hazare took the stage to address rally. Since this was in offing for quite sometime, I am inclined to de-link Jasmine revolution. Nevertheless due to commonality of the objectives I would say they are off-springs of the same anger against corruption, mis-governance and value deficit. I therefore like to call this desi version as “Chameli Revolution”.

Will Bharat Swabhiman be able to sustain the momentum and build up pressure on the political parties and governments both at the center and in the states? What best can it achieve against its lofty ideals? What should be their focus for achieving a measure of success vis-à-vis objectives?

Indian system of governance has been based on the old British Model and twisted umpteen numbers of times in sixty years to suit the objectives of political class in the power. The legal framework is admirable compared to any of the Afro-Arab and eastern world countries. The governments can come and go but the system can hold on and deliver. That is the inherent strength of Indian democracy. What we need is campaign against the political class for the value system embraced by them and perpetrated over six decades. Rules have been framed with deliberate loop holes or escape routes built in to satisfy people on one hand and to be able to loot them on the other. Any political party is as good or as bad as the other. Shades may differ but ‘spectrum’ is same.

The Indian polity is too thick skinned to bother about morality. Rallies and fast unto death have not achieved much in the past. But what can make difference this time is the support of the masses, aam admi, in huge numbers. Swami Ramdev has demonstrated capabilities to attract as much crowds as any big politician. And perhaps he has traveled to every nook and corner of the country and commands respect of the common man more than any politician. How best he can leverage this aspect would define the path the movement will take. Invariably such movements are in the danger of being hijacked midway which must be resisted at any cost.

What can be the achievable objectives in operational terms and levels?

[A] Constitutional & Judicial Reforms:

(i) Identify and remove the loopholes from legal frame work for speedy trials of political class and bureaucrats.

(ii) Have fast track judiciary system for trials of this class and economic offenders.

(iii) Remove political patronage and insurance cover against any breach of law (immunity) for this class and no approvals should be required for filing FIR/ charge sheet and trial of members of this class(MP/MLA/Governors/Prime Minister/chief ministers etc).

(iv) The members of judiciary, though guardians of the Constitution of India, can not be above any laws and must not have immunity against unethical conduct.

(v) There must be some time limits for concluding judicial trials for certain types of crimes like corruption, embezzlement, hawala transactions, etc. so that governance does not suffer.

(vi) Investigating agency like CBI should function as totally autonomous institution without interference from politicians.

[B] Election Reforms:

(i) Change eligibility criterion for contesting elections for any position from gram panchayat to President of India and weed out corrupt, criminal, and dubious characters. Political parties should not be permitted to field such candidates.

(ii) Introduce the system of Negative vote. If a voter does not find any suitable candidate and he wants to eliminate worst of the candidate, he should be able to cast a negative vote (see my blog on Negative Votes).

(iii) The ceiling for expenses by a contestant in election even after recent revision is paltry considering actual expenditure running into several crores. The elections should be funded by the state to eliminate the very reason for need of politicians for black money.

[C] Economic Reforms:

(i) There should be exemplary and deterrent punishments in cases of corruption, nepotism, tax evasion and any illegal activity to set high standards of political behavior.

(ii) Economic reforms should be undertaken for addressing the issue of black money within India and stashed overseas. Tax havens have come forward to address our concerns and we must be demanding enough to serve our national interests. International Treaties must be renegotiated to safeguard our interests.

(iii) If Indian nationals have illegally stashed black money overseas, their accounts must be frozen, nationalized without compensation and passports impounded. Passports should not be issued to any one with proven hawala transactions. Unless such deterrent measures are introduced, there can be no success in curbing such malpractices. We need to have political will power to enforce such regulations.

Through the “Chameli Revolution”, the people of India should try to change a single most critical dimension of multifaceted and complex problems of corruption, value deficit and poor governance. And that is the political will to manage the transition to cleaner polity, ethical conduct and aam admi oriented governance. Once that is done, the above reforms will be easier to initiate and implement.

We, the aam admis, are not looking for overthrowing a government as in the Arab world. We should be looking at ‘Change Management of mind sets of the polity’ to needs of 21st century suiting a global power in whom the world can trust. This calls for sustained efforts and pressures from the masses. I hope Chameli will not be a one day miracle!

...

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this writing are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of League of India, its Editorial Board or the business and socio-political interests that they might represent.

This article was first published at the author's blog here

Tuesday, June 21, 2011

अछूत महिलाओं को काशी ने दी मान्यता-21 Jun 2011

21 Jun 2011 06:16:31 AM IST

अछूत महिलाओं को काशी ने दी मान्यता









अछूत महिलाओं को दी मान्यता
मंदिर में भोजन करता महिलाओं का जत्था.

'बाबा के दरबार में हाजिरी लगाकर जीवन का उद्धार हो गया." यह उन महिलाओं का कहना रहा जिन्हें समाज में बराबरी का दर्जा हासिल न था.

लेकिन अब ऐसा नहीं है. वक्त बदला और सोच बदली. समाज की मुख्य धारा में जुड़ने की खुशी इन महिलाओं के चेहरे पर साफ झलक रही थी. अलवर व टोंक की अछूत महिलाओं को धर्म व आध्यात्म की नगरी काशी ने न सिर्फ मान्यता दी बल्कि इस पवित्र माटी की अलौकिक आभा ने उनकी अंतर आत्मा को शुद्ध कर दिया.

अलवर व टोंक (राजस्थान) सहित बिहार से सोमवार की सुबह डा. बिन्देश्वर पाठक के नेतृत्व में मैला ढोने वाली 203 महिलाएं बाबा के दर्शन के लिए काशी धाम पहुंची. खास बात यह रही कि यह सभी महिलाएं सिर पर मैला ढोने का काम करती थीं. समाज में हाशिए पर रहीं इन सभी महिलाओं में दर्शन की आतुरता देखने लायक थी.

ऐसा इसलिए कि उन्हें जीवन में पहली बार मंदिर में प्रवेश करने का अनुपम अवसर जो मिला था. इस जत्थे में शामिल महिलाओं ने सबसे पहले मां गंगा की धारा में आस्था की डुबकी लगाई. उसके बाद दशाश्वमेध घाट से हल्के नीले परिधान में हाथों जल से भरा मिट्टी का कलश और 'हर-हर महादेव" का उद्घोष करते हुए महिलाएं श्री काशी विश्वनाथ मंदिर पहुंचीं.

पं. ओपी शास्त्री व पं. सुबोध शास्त्री सहित 11 वैदिक ब्राहृणों के आचार्यत्व में महिलाओं ने बाबा का दर्शन-पूजन व भव्य रुद्राभिषेक किया. इसी क्रम में उन्होंने शनिदेव व माता अन्नपूर्णा का भी दर्शन-पूजन किया. इसके बाद महिलाओं का जत्था संत रविदास मंदिर पहुंचा. मंदिर में विधि-विधान से दर्शन-पूजन का अनुष्ठान पूरा किया गया.

इसके अलावा जत्थे में शामिल महिला श्रद्धालुओं ने नाव पर बैठकर गंगा घाटों की मनोरम सैर भी की. बाद में सभी तेलियाबाग स्थित पटेल धर्मशाला पहुंचे. यहां दोपहर में इन महिलओं ने उच्चजाति के लोगों विशेषकर ब्राहृणों और संस्कृत के विद्वानों के साथ बैठकर भोजन ग्रहण किया. इस दौरान इन लोगों ने खुलकर अपने विचार व्यक्त किये. सभी का यही कहना रहा कि हम सभी ने अस्पृश्यता व भेदभाव की सामाजिक बेड़ियां तोड़ी है. इसे दुनिया को बताने में कोई गुरेज नहीं गर्व होगी.

श्रद्धालु महिलाओं का जत्था 21 जून की सुबह विंध्याचल के लिए रवाना होगा. इसके अलावा वैष्णो देवी सहित देश के विभिन्न मंदिरों में दर्शन-पूजन के लिए जाएंगे.


Sunday, May 29, 2011

D govt has commissioned a study 2 b done by 3 top economic think tanks 2 estimate d extent of black money/ unaccounted income generated in/out ofIndia

Govt bid to put figure to black money











NEW DELHI: The government has commissioned a study to be undertaken by three top economic think tanks to estimate the extent of black money or unaccounted income generated both within and outside the country, a finance ministry statement said on Sunday.

On Saturday, the government had appointed a high level committee of tax officials to suggest measures to tighten laws to curb the generation of black money.

The two moves have been announced days before an anti-corruption protest is to be launched by yoga guru Baba Ramdev.
The UPA government has faced strong criticism from courts, Opposition parties and civil society groups for its handling of the issue of black money and corruption in public life. The government has taken some measures to stem the criticism and has engaged with authorities in tax havens to get information about money stashed in these countries.

The three institutes selected to undertake the study are National Institute of Public Finance and Policy, National Institute of Financial Management and National Council of Applied Economic Research. The finance ministry statement said the three institutes had launched their study in March and are expected to complete the project within 18 months. The study is expected to bring out the nature of activities that encourage money laundering and its ramifications on national policy.

The study will also focus on the kind of activities which promote money laundering and identify important sectors of the economy in which unaccounted money is generated and causes and conditions that result in the generation of unaccounted money. It will also examine methods employed for generating black money and conversion of such funds for legitimate activities.

The three institutions have also been asked to suggest ways and means for detecting and preventing unaccounted money and bring it into the mainstream economy. They have also been given the mandate to suggest methods to be used for taxing black money stashed in foreign countries. The study will also estimate the quantum of non-payment of tax due to evasion by registered corporate bodies.

The government has so far maintained that there are no reliable estimates of black money generated and held within and outside the country . It says the different estimates of the quantum of black money range between $500 to $1,400 billion. A study by the Global Financial Integrity Group has estimated the illicit outflow at about $462 billion . The finance ministry says these estimates are based on largely unverifiable assumptions and therefore the government has undertaken the study to find out the actual size of the black economy.